Italian: Giorgia Meloni in der Kritik von Antonio Scurati | EUROtoday

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JEvery Italian metropolis has a “Via XXV”. Aprile.” The Street of April twenty fifth is as omnipresent within the Belpaese as Via Roma, Corso Garibaldi or Piazza Matteotti. April twenty fifth is without doubt one of the two nationwide holidays in Italy and commemorates the liberation from fascism and the top of the Second World War.

For this yr's April twenty fifth, the Italian author Antonio Scurati was supposed to discuss April twenty fifth in a program on the Italian state tv channel RAI. Would have. But the looks was canceled at brief discover, allegedly due to Scurati's extreme payment. Realiter in all probability due to the content material. In Scurati's brief speech, which grew to become public regardless of the canceled look as a result of it was learn on tv by a journalist and reprinted in newspapers at house and overseas, the author takes concern with the Meloni authorities's tradition of remembrance.

The post-fascists who received the elections in October 2022 had “two options”: “renounce their fascist past or rewrite history. They have undoubtedly chosen the second path.” According to Scurati, this prime minister's authorities is making no transfer to distance itself from the ideological line of its post-fascist origins. According to Scurati, the time period 'anti-fascism' in all probability received't even cross the lips of this Prime Minister on April twenty fifth. And actually (you’ll be able to learn his speech in German within the “Süddeutsche Zeitung”): “Until this word – antifascism – is not spoken by those who govern us, the spectrum of fascism will continue to plague Italian democracy.”

Antonio Scurati on fascism

Now, for German ears, a little bit of fascism with prefixes haunts the rhetoric – and who’s Scurati anyway? Scurati made a reputation for himself together with his multi-volume documentary novel “M” in regards to the Mussolini period; the fourth half will probably be revealed in German within the fall. The undeniable fact that the brick-thick volumes are inflicting a sensation in Scurati's homeland additionally has to do with the truth that Italy's relationship to the fascist previous is difficult. “Unlike Germany, Italy has never come to terms with its past in a broad-based manner. Italy was the cradle of fascism, and from here the movement found imitators all over the world,” mentioned Scurati in a WELT interview just a few years in the past.

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Benito Mussolini on a propaganda postcard
Mussolini, Berlusconi, Salvini

Germans who’ve studied National Socialism 3 times at school and who’ve been accustomed to ritualized state speeches and gestures to return to phrases with the previous for many years discover this tough to think about. But in Germany the query of guilt was and has at all times been clear – in distinction to Italy, which modified sides within the Second World War, each from the official, royal facet and thru the Resistance, which was later stylized: Suddenly everybody was Antifascists and resistance fighters. The entire concept of ​​the Italian post-war republic relies on this narrative. In this respect, Italian antifascism has nothing to do with the German Antifa subculture; For a long time it was a state doctrine like within the GDR – simply as Italy was additionally the nation with the biggest communist social gathering within the Western Hemisphere through the Cold War.

Nevertheless, post-fascists of all stripes, even Mussolini descendants, had been at all times current in Italian politics and in a approach that may have been unthinkable for German right-wing extremists or neo-Nazis. The property of Gabriele D'Annunzio – the author who invented fascism together with his commune in Fiume in 1919 – positioned above Lake Garda, remains to be offered purely hagiographically immediately. You should buy “Führer wine” and different devotional objects at Italian kiosks.

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“The most beautiful and noble thing in the world for a fighter: to surrender and die.”

The reality {that a} so-called post-fascist social gathering, the Fratelli d'Italia (in German: Brothers of Italy) beneath the management of Giorgia Meloni, guidelines in Italy has nervous many in Germany, however typically the Italian voters has a practical, inherently disillusioned relationship with politics – It additionally needed to develop, with 68 short-lived and short-lived post-war governments between 1946 and 2022. Before Meloni, a totally absurd post-political alliance of left-wing and right-wing populists was in energy. Meloni got here to energy as a result of she had not but dominated – not as a result of she was elected for particularly post-fascist and even feminist motives. Meloni doesn’t lower an unwise determine in terms of overseas coverage; not like different right-wing nationalists in Europe, she is pro-Ukraine and never pro-Putin. She represents a conservative household picture, which, since there is no such thing as a longer a Christian democracy in Catholic Italy (and since Berlusconi's alternative social gathering “Forza Italia”, based within the spirit of a soccer membership, will quickly be historical past), had and nonetheless has a illustration hole. None of this can be a drawback.

The cultural drawback of the Fratelli d'Italia reveals itself in two essential factors. On the one hand, in anger on the left's hegemony within the dominant cultural and media sectors. The anger is justified, however the query is: Can one reply to criticism of hegemony by making an attempt one's personal hegemony? Does one safe one's energy by occupying the technique of manufacturing of revealed opinion oneself? The Italian head of presidency is accused of getting already crammed many vital positions within the RAI establishment along with her confidants. That could be the Polish and Hungarian precept. Behind all of that is the Marxist Gramsci's hegemony motto: one should conquer the pre-political house so as to safe political energy.

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Pioneer of the “mentality of the people”: Gramsci

And that is the place the second sore level of the Meloni authorities comes into play, which for the author Scurati might be the decisive one: the non-existence of a essential remembrance of the Mussolini period, the discourse key phrase “It wasn't all bad.” The public impression, that there was something dangerous about this period, which was a totalitarian terrorist state, is in peril of disappearing and being intentionally forgotten. Scurati has some extent right here.

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It should be shocking that this intelligent author of all folks calls for rhetorical anti-fascism lip service from Meloni. He himself criticized the reverse buzzwording in a WELT interview just a few years in the past: “If everything that shows the left’s moral superiority doesn’t fit into the worldview, fascist is called, there is a danger of what is real fascism must be called, to trivialize.”

But that is precisely the place Scurati’s argument comes into play. The Fratelli d'Italia have an unclear relationship to the fascist previous. When it involves coming to phrases with the previous, components of Italy are nonetheless within the period of communicative silence that led to Germany within the Eighties and Nineties. However, their consensus is now being revoked extra clearly on this nation by a celebration that’s calling for a 180-degree turnaround in reminiscence politics. In this respect, we shouldn’t be too self-confident about Italian circumstances.