Bidsina Ivanishvili cultivates Russian fashion | EUROtoday

Im ersten Interview seines Lebens sagte Bidsina Iwanischwili, er sei „kein öffentlicher Mensch“ und möge es nicht, im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit zu stehen. Das ist fast zwanzig Jahre her. Er sei einer der „geheimnisvollsten russischen Unternehmer“, schrieb die Moskauer Wirtschaftszeitung „Wedomosti“ damals über ihn. Sein Vermögen wurde auf mehr als fünf Milliarden Dollar geschätzt. Ihm gehörten eine Bank namens „Russischer Kredit“, ein Netz von Apotheken, ein Agrarkonzern und Immobilien in den besten Lagen russischer Großstädte.

Ein russischer Unternehmer ist Bidsina Iwanischwili schon lange nicht mehr. All die großen Unternehmen in Russland hatte er verkauft, bevor er im Herbst 2012 in seiner Heimat Georgien mit seiner Partei Georgischer Traum den ersten Machtwechsel durch Wahlen herbeiführte und Ministerpräsident wurde. Er gebe seine Geschäfte in Russland auf, „um das Aufkommen zusätzlicher Fragen in der Gesellschaft zu vermeiden“, äußerte er damals. Doch die Fragen sind geblieben. Und sie werden angesichts der Entwicklungen in Georgien immer lauter. Denn Iwanischwili ist nicht nur der mit Abstand reichste, sondern auch der mächtigste Mann Georgiens.

Für Hunderttausende Georgier, die seit Anfang April an Demonstrationen gegen die Regierung teilgenommen haben, ist die Antwort auf die Fragen um Iwanischwili klar. Sie bezeichnen ihn als „russischen Oligarchen“. Auslöser der Proteste ist ein Gesetz, das die Demonstranten „russisches Gesetz“ nennen, weil es ein russisches Vorbild hat: das Gesetz gegen „ausländische Agenten“, mit dem Wladimir Putin seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt gegen Kritiker vorgeht. Doch es geht um viel mehr als um dieses eine Gesetz, das sich gegen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen und Medien richtet, die Geld aus dem westlichen Ausland erhalten. Die Gegner Iwanischwilis glauben, er wolle Georgiens Orientierung nach Westen beenden und es zu einer Diktatur in Russlands Einflusssphäre machen.

Offiziell bekennt sich Iwanischwili zum Ziel eines Beitritts zu EU und NATO – beides wird laut Umfragen von einer überwältigenden Mehrheit der Georgier gewünscht. Aber eine Rede Ende April klang wie das Gegenteil. Vor hunderttausend Menschen, zu einem großen Teil Staatsbedienstete, die von der Regierungspartei aus allen Teilen Georgiens zu einer Gegenkundgebung gegen die Proteste nach Tiflis gebracht worden waren, behauptete er, eine „globale Partei des Krieges“, die in EU und NATO „entscheidenden Einfluss“ habe, wolle Georgien unter ihre Kontrolle bringen. Diese fremden Kräfte hätten Georgien schon 2008 in einen Krieg gegen Russland getrieben und später über die Ukraine noch viel größeres Unheil gebracht. Mithilfe von Opposition und Nichtregierungsorganisationen wollten sie in Georgien eine „unmenschliche und sadistische Diktatur“ errichten. Aber das werde er „um jeden Preis“ verhindern. Dazu sei das Gesetz notwendig, das offiziell „Über ausländischen Einfluss“ heißt. Für die Zeit nach der Parlamentswahl kündigte er die Verfolgung seiner Gegner an. „Sie haben keine Heimat“, sagte er damals. „Sie lieben ihr Land oder ihr Volk nicht.“

Since the Georgian Dream launched the legislation in early April, there was hypothesis in Tbilisi about what prompted the social gathering to take action. The authorities withdrew the legislation after just a few days in its first try in spring 2023 as a result of the protests had grown a lot, regardless of huge police violence, {that a} revolution was threatened. The EU had already made it clear at the moment that if this legislation got here into power, Georgia's progress in direction of the neighborhood could be unattainable. This is an issue for the federal government, as a result of the vast majority of its personal supporters additionally need to see Georgia within the EU. And so everyone seems to be now Ivanishvili, at his previous, his atmosphere, his pursuits. Because in his speech on the finish of April, he confirmed that he completely desires this legislation to be carried out.

Many suspect that Moscow compelled Ivanishvili to reinstate the legislation, though the protests have been foreseeable. This suspicion can be mirrored in Georgia's President Salome Zurabishvili's reply to the FAZ's query as as to whether she noticed Russia's hand within the authorities's actions: “The government had no reason to provoke the population with a step that is directed against a large part of society. That doesn't make sense: Why would you turn people against you if nothing is forcing you to do so?”

In Georgia, Ivanishvili was lengthy shrouded in thriller, simply as he was in Russia. The complete nation knew his identify and talked about him, however hardly anybody knew what he appeared like earlier than he entered politics in 2011. It was mentioned that he supported artists and athletes and ran a personal zoo with penguins and zebras. He had constructed new homes for the residents of the village of Chorvila in western Georgia, the place he was born right into a poor household in 1956. And there have been rumors that he had used his cash to assist a number of the reforms of President Mikheil Saakashvili, who got here to energy within the Rose Revolution in 2003. Ivanishvili's declared objective was to finish his more and more authoritarian rule.

Even then, Saakashvili and his supporters portrayed Ivanishvili as a mission of Russian President Putin. Without the Kremlin's consent, nobody in Russia might do such large enterprise, they mentioned. Putin's approval was additionally required for the introduced sale of his corporations in Russia. Ivanishvili dismissed such statements as an expression of desperation on the a part of Saakashvili and his folks: “Otherwise they will have nothing more to say,” he advised the FAZ in 2011. Many Georgian politicians who have been clearly oriented in direction of the West additionally labored with him on the time, and he finally reaffirmed the consensus on the EU and NATO.

During the 2012 election marketing campaign, Ivanishvili introduced that if Georgian Dream received, he would turn out to be prime minister – however just for a transitional interval, after which he would withdraw from politics and public life. In truth, he resigned as head of presidency after a yr. But doubts quickly arose as as to whether this was additionally a farewell to politics. The most essential members of the federal government had beforehand been workers of his corporations, and essential positions within the judiciary have been crammed by authorized advisors to Ivanishvili and household associates.

When cracks appeared within the ruling social gathering in 2018, he returned brazenly to politics for the primary time and took over the chairmanship once more. Three years later, he resigned once more. Again, he mentioned he had fulfilled his mission. But much more than when he first resigned, there have been many indications that he was ruling from behind the scenes. If representatives of the Georgian Dream have been requested about Ivanishvili's position throughout this time, they claimed he had none. But former politicians of the Georgian Dream deny this – for instance, former Prime Minister Giorgi Gacharia, who was a member of the social gathering till his resignation in 2021: “He left public politics to illegally determine politics from a gray area,” he advised the FAZ about Ivanishvili.

Ivanishvili returned on the finish of 2023. He made himself honorary chairman of the Georgian Dream, confirming the suspicion that he had at all times managed the social gathering and the federal government. He justified his return, amongst different issues, with the tough geopolitical state of affairs through which even the smallest mistake by the federal government might have critical penalties. The authorities had shunned criticizing Moscow because the Russian invasion of Ukraine, claiming that solely it might stop Georgia from being drawn into conflict. There was reward from Moscow for this – and the resumption of air connections that Russia had reduce in 2019 after anti-Russian demonstrations in Tbilisi.

In 2022, analysis by Transparency International revealed that Ivanishvili – opposite to his claims – nonetheless owns an organization in Russia by means of an offshore firm that formally operates in the true property trade. “We know nothing about what this company does and why he still has it,” says Sandro Kevchishvili of Transparency International in Tbilisi. All we will perceive is that it’s making a revenue. In addition, in line with Transparency, relations of Ivanishvili even have financial pursuits in Russia.

In spring 2022, recordings of phone conversations between Ivanishvili and the Russian oligarch Vladimir Yevtushenkov, who’s below Western sanctions, have been printed on a Telegram channel. In a well-known tone, the 2 discuss potential offers. Ivanishvili says Yevtushenkov's folks ought to speak to the prime minister about it. It will not be recognized what the offers have been – nor what got here of them. But Yevtushenkov confirmed the content material of the conversations, thereby reinforcing current suspicions that Georgia helps Russia to avoid sanctions.

And then there may be the case of Otar Parzkhaladze, who has lengthy been a part of Ivanishvili's interior circle. One of Ivanishvili's sons is the godfather of his grandson – such connections rely for lots in Georgia. Ivanishvili appointed Parzkhaladze as Attorney General in 2013. However, he rapidly had to surrender this publish after it turned recognized that there had as soon as been felony proceedings towards him in Germany. Since then, Parzkhaladze has been a businessman with ties to Russia. He has turn out to be a Russian citizen and has been below American sanctions since September 2023. The US suspects him of collaborating with the Russian secret service FSB.

Giga Bokeria doesn’t consider that Ivanishvili is appearing on Russia's direct orders. Bokeria will not be suspected of getting sympathies for Ivanishvili or Russia – quite the opposite. In his speech in April, Ivanishvili branded him as certainly one of Georgia's worst enemies. Bokeria headed Georgia's Security Council below Saakashvili and met Ivanishvili a number of occasions when he organized the peaceable switch of energy after the 2012 election. Ivanishvili is a really Soviet-minded particular person, says Bokeria. He believes Ivanishvili is appearing on his personal initiative. The reintroduction of the “Russian law” follows a sample that has been round for years. “When Ivanishvili has needed to give in on one thing below strain from society, he comes again with it to interrupt the desire of his opponents. He considers any signal of weak spot to be harmful.” Ultimately, it doesn’t matter whether or not Ivanishvili coordinates with Moscow: “With a Russian-style policy, Georgia automatically falls into the Russian sphere of influence.”