In the occasion of cohabitation, what can be the chance of paralysis in France? | EUROtoday

Get real time updates directly on you device, subscribe now.

President Jacques Chirac and outgoing Prime Minister Lionel Jospin (left), after the latter tendered his resignation, on May 6, 2002, at the Elysée Palace in Paris.

Following the dissolution of the National Assembly by Emmanuel Macron on Sunday June 9, early legislative elections are organized on June 30 and July 7. At the tip of the vote, it’s removed from sure that the presidential camp and its allies will retain their majority. If an opposition get together obtains an absolute majority, the President of the Republic will likely be obliged to nominate a main minister from his ranks.

Read additionally | Understanding all the pieces in regards to the dissolution of the National Assembly: circumstances, precedents, penalties…

Under the Ve As a republic, France has skilled three cohabitations after legislative elections have been gained by the opposition to the president. The first occurred from 1986 to 1988, when François Mitterrand (PS) had Jacques Chirac (RPR) as prime minister, the second throughout Mr. Mitterrand's second time period with Edouard Balladur (RPR), from 1993 to 1995, and, lastly , an extended one, between Jacques Chirac (RPR) as president and Lionel Jospin (PS) at Matignon from 1997 to 2002.

Since 2000, the transition to a five-year time period and the modification of the electoral calendar – in order that legislative elections instantly comply with the presidential one – have made cohabitation conditions very hypothetical. There by no means was one once more and the president has since obtained a majority within the National Assembly within the weeks following his election.

Some observers see the chance of political paralysis in cohabitation, however the latter would profit from a superb picture in public opinion. Above all, it raises questions in regards to the distribution of powers between the president and the prime minister.

The President of the Republic relegated to a extra secondary function

According to the Constitution, the nation's inner coverage is clearly entrusted to the members of the federal government:

  • “The Prime Minister directs government action, ensures the execution of laws and is responsible for national defense. »
  • “The government determines and conducts the policy of the nation, it disposes of the administration and the armed force. »

“In the case of cohabitation, the power is clearly in the relationship between the Prime Minister and the National Assembly”explains Dominique Rousseau, professor emeritus on the University of Paris-I-Panthéon-Sorbonne.

In these power-sharing conditions, the President of the Republic has a extra secondary function. His personal powers are regulated, and it’s particularly he who:

  • appoints the prime minister of his selection (who should, nonetheless, have the arrogance of the Assembly);
  • chairs the council of ministers (however loses his affect with them), indicators decrees and ordinances and has the facility to nominate civil and navy officers of the State;
  • can dissolve the National Assembly (every year);
  • can assume distinctive powers within the occasion of menace “serious and immediate” on establishments, the independence of the nation, the integrity of the territory or the execution of worldwide commitments.

The query of overseas affairs and protection

An abusive expression is that the President of the Republic has a “reserved domain” within the sectors of nationwide protection and overseas affairs. However, the Constitution is much from being categorical on this query. The authorities “has the administration and the armed force” And “the prime minister is responsible for national defense”in line with articles 20 and 21.

On the opposite hand, the textual content makes the pinnacle of state the “guarantor of national independence and the integrity of the national territory” (article 5), “the leader of the armies” and he “chairs the councils and higher committees of national defense” (part 15). He holds the nuclear codes and he alone decides on the usage of this pressure. In phrases of overseas coverage, the Constitution gives that the president negotiates and ratifies worldwide treaties (article 52) and accredits ambassadors (article 14).

Read additionally | Legislative elections 2024: candidacies, registration on the electoral lists, proxies… the principles of a blitzkrieg marketing campaign

“This is the ambiguity of our 1958 Constitution, remarks Dominique Rousseau. There we find the opposing influences of Michel Debré, who wanted a strong prime minister, based on the British parliamentary model, and Charles de Gaulle, who wanted to give more weight to the president. » This ambiguity forces the Prime Minister and the President to reach a certain understanding. This is why it was customary during the three cohabitations that the choices fall on ministers of defense and foreign affairs who please the two men in power, in order to avoid friction. “In the past, there was consensus in these areas, but today there are real differences on the role of the European Union or on the war in Ukraine, in particular between Emmanuel Macron and the National Rally. This seems much more unstable and risks causing problems in the event of cohabitation”believes the constitutionalist.

A frontrunner of the opposition on the Elysée, with actual energy to trigger hurt

If cohabitation makes the President of the Republic a pacesetter of the opposition, he has the numerous benefit of being on the Elysée, of benefiting from a robust voice among the many French and he retains important tribunitian energy. . During the primary cohabitation, François Mitterrand gave press conferences during which he castigated the coverage of Jacques Chirac's authorities. Less than a month after the beginning of the third cohabitation, in 1997, President Chirac took benefit of the standard tv interview on July 14 to criticize the primary selections of Lionel Jospin's authorities. He didn’t deprive himself of it afterwards both.

The President of the Republic being the one one capable of signal decrees and orders within the Council of Ministers, he additionally advantages from the facility of nuisance within the face of an opposition authorities.

The world

Support an editorial employees of 550 journalists

Unlimited entry to all our content material from €7.99/month for 1 12 months.

Subscribe

– THE decree within the Council of Ministers is a regulatory act (which units a rule) signed by the President of the Republic and which doesn’t require the approval of Parliament.

– L'prescription is a normative textual content (which units out a rule) offered by the federal government to undertake measures with out going via the standard legislative process (National Assembly and Senate). Even if the President of the Republic is the one one approved to signal it, Parliament should first authorize the federal government to concern an order, then to ratify it.

In July 1986, François Mitterrand thus refused to signal the orders on denationalization offered by the federal government of Jacques Chirac, which had nonetheless obtained authorization from Parliament to legislate by orders. These notably offered for the privatization of greater than sixty industrial teams, unraveling the work carried out by the socialists after they got here to energy.

Faced with this refusal from the president, Jacques Chirac needed to remodel the draft ordinances right into a invoice, which was rapidly voted on by the National Assembly after the federal government had assumed duty through article 49.3 of the Constitution. If François Mitterrand didn’t have the facility to dam the textual content, this maneuver allowed him to not deny himself, whereas repositioning himself on the left. He began once more in October 1986 by refusing to signal orders on electoral boundaries, then that on the flexibilisation of working hours in December 1986.

  • The energy to dissolve the National Assembly

Finally, the Head of State retains the facility – not insignificant – to dissolve the National Assembly. If the speculation was unbelievable throughout the first two cohabitations, restricted to 2 years whereas ready for the presidential election, it turned credible after the early legislative elections of 1997. Jacques Chirac himself having dissolved the National Assembly, he needed to wait a 12 months earlier than with the ability to declare a brand new dissolution.

From 1998, he once more had this energy, which he didn’t use, however which acted like a sword of Damocles over the pinnacle of Lionel Jospin. “It is a system of reciprocal neutralizationanalyzes political scientist Alain Garrigou. The president cannot apply the program on which he was elected, while the prime minister must govern while avoiding missteps that would motivate the president to dissolve the Assembly to regain the legislative elections. » For this professor emeritus in political science at Paris-Nanterre University, “Lionel Jospin lived during the last four years of his government in the anguish of dissolution, and only sailed with the polls”. This lengthy and unhealthy expertise satisfied the 2 males in energy between 1997 and 2002 to reform the elections with a view to keep away from cohabitation as a lot as potential.

Measures taken throughout cohabitation

From the primary cohabitation, it was famous that the 1958 Constitution gave the best place to the Prime Minister, who benefited from the help of the Assembly. “Despite the conflictual nature of cohabitation, the major fear of an impossibility of governing has not been verified”writes Alain Garrigou in his work Politics in France (2017, The Discovery).

According to him, 105 legal guidelines have been handed beneath the primary cohabitation, with out there ever being a definitive blockage. The authorities of Jacques Chirac was thus capable of unravel what the earlier authorities had carried out: from 1986, it privatized firms nationalized in 1981, it reversed the institution of proportional illustration in legislative elections determined by the socialists a 12 months earlier and it reestablished majority voting. In August 1986, the federal government canceled the concessions of two personal channels, TV6 and La Cinq. “He also had laws adopted on the security and residence of foreigners: expulsion by prefectural decision, restriction of access to the ten-year residence permit”explains Mr. Garrigou.

The second cohabitation, that of François Mitterrand and Edouard Balladur, was not synonymous with paralysis both. The prime minister from the RPR was capable of proceed the unfinished liberal program of the previous cohabitation. A regulation privatizing twenty-one firms was promulgated in July 1993. A pension reform relevant to non-public sector workers was adopted: the contribution interval crucial to acquire a full-rate pension progressively elevated from 37.5 to 40 annuities and the quantity of the pension was calculated on 25 years of wage, in comparison with 10 beforehand.

From 1997 to 2002, the Jospin authorities additionally adopted quite a few measures on the left. In December 1997, he offered his reform to cut back working hours. Jacques Chirac denounces “authoritarian and general measure”however the 35-hour reform will move – via two legal guidelines, in 1998 and 2000, earlier than being relevant in all firms from 2002. Among the primary legal guidelines adopted beneath this authorities, and to which Jacques Chirac was opposed, we additionally embrace that establishing common well being protection (CMU) in July 1999 or the creation of the civil solidarity pact (PACS) in October 1999.

Read additionally | All the initiatives suspended by the dissolution: end-of-life regulation, public audiovisual, agricultural orientation, Airbnb, and many others.

A primary model of this text was revealed on May 7, 2022

Reuse this content material

https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2024/06/12/en-cas-de-cohabitation-quel-serait-le-risque-de-paralysie-en-france_6239156_4355770.html