when the legislative marketing campaign revisits History | EUROtoday

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Since the beginning of the marketing campaign for the early legislative elections, false data has unfold on social networks and tv units. Some of them notably concern the interval of the Second World War and the roots of the political teams of the National Rally and the New Popular Front.

Less than two weeks earlier than the early legislative elections, the marketing campaign is raging. As earlier than every election, all sides tries to discredit the opposite. But as this vote approaches, the criticism has taken on very historic overtones. While on the left, some recall the collaborationist previous of the founders of the National Front (FN), which turned the National Rally (RN), on the far proper, others attempt to tarnish the picture of the New Popular Front, inheritor of the coalition which took energy in 1936.

France 24 invitations you to decipher the reality from the falsehood of this data launched by sure candidates and supporters of every camp on the platforms and social networks.

The RN is the inheritor of a celebration based by the Waffen-SS: TRUE

After the victory of the National Rally within the European elections and the potential for new success throughout the early legislative elections, the left didn’t cover its concern concerning the normalization of this get together. Since the outcomes, many have recalled the origins of this far-right get together. Questioned on LCI on June 11, La France insoumise MP Sarah Legrain declared: “Am I saying that the National Rally is a celebration which is the inheritor of Waffen-SS who based it and the inheritor to Vichy? Yes, in fact!”

The National Rally is the brand new identify, for the reason that 1er June 2018, from the National Front, a French far-right political get together. The latter was created in 1972. As the France Info web site remembers, its statutes had been then filed by Jean-Marie Le Pen, who had been convicted within the late Sixties for apologizing for warfare crimes after having printed a disc of songs from IIIe Reich. He was then accompanied by Pierre Bousquet, a former Waffen-SS of the Charlemagne division, French troopers who wore the German uniform and who took half within the protection of Berlin in April 1945. Léon Gaultier, one other co-founder of the get together , was additionally a part of the Waffen-SS. François Brigneau, journalist and former Pétain militiaman, was additionally appointed vice-president of the FN.

Already in 2023, Prime Minister Élisabeth Borne recalled this previous. Invited on Radio J, she declared that she didn’t imagine “in the normalization” of the National Rally: “I think that we should not trivialize its ideas, its ideas are always the same. So now, the National Rally is putting the forms into it , but I still think it's a dangerous ideology.” And to make sure that the get together of Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella was “heir” to Philippe Pétain, head of the Vichy regime who collaborated with Nazi Germany, in reference to the co-founders of the National Front, former Waffen-SS.

France has by no means tried the acute proper: FALSE

On social networks, supporters of the National Rally are opposing criticism of their get together by placing ahead the concept the far proper has by no means been in energy in France and that it will be applicable to offer it an opportunity.

Many historians have responded to this assertion by recalling that the far proper dominated France effectively throughout the interval of the Vichy regime. The program “Le cours de l’Histoire” broadcast on France tradition notably devoted an episode to this query. The historian Laurent Joly, a specialist within the Second World War, explains that earlier than taking energy in July 1940, Phillipe Pétain was not categorized as far proper, however that he was “pushed by forces of the extreme right” to turn into the sturdy man of France following the debacle of the French military.

The program thus remembers that from its formation, the Vichy authorities relied on the concepts of the acute proper and positioned the logic of collaboration and anti-Semitism on the coronary heart of its coverage. On October 3, 1940, the legislation referring to the “status of Jews” in France was promulgated by the Vichy regime. This textual content legally outlined membership in a so-called “Jewish race” and listed the professions prohibited to the individuals involved.

But for Laurent Joly, the regime's fascist flip actually passed off at the start of 1944, confronted with the evolution of the warfare in favor of the Allies. “In January 1944, it was really the extreme right that took power. […] This is what we call the fascistization of the Vichy regime,” explains the creator of “The State Against the Jews. Vichy, the Nazis and anti-Semitic persecution” (ed. Grasset), recalling that infamous collaborationists like Philippe Henriot, Marcel Déat or Joseph Darnand accessed excessive authorities positions with the mission of combating the Resistance.

The Popular Front voted full powers to Philippe Pétain: FALSE

Following the victory of the RN within the European elections and the announcement of the dissolution of the National Assembly, the principle left-wing events joined forces inside a New Popular Front to be able to block the far proper in early legislative elections. Supporters of the RN shortly criticized this alliance by invoking the concept on social networks that it was the Popular Front, this coalition which had allowed the left to take energy in 1936, which might have voted full powers to Philippe Pétain in July 1940.

The genesis of the Popular Front dates again to 1934. The numerous left-wing events had been then very divided however confronted with a gathering of far-right leagues on February 6, 1934, which became a riot, they determined to unite in opposition to this ” fascist coup”. This coalition of socialists, communists and radicals received the elections on May 5, 1936, with 386 seats out of 608. The Popular Front turned the bulk, Léon Blum took the top of the federal government. The jubilation was adopted by an enormous strike motion to place stress on the manager. After negotiations, on June 8, 1936, the Matignon agreements had been signed and quite a few social positive aspects received.

But on June 21, 1937, a 12 months and two weeks after his inauguration, Léon Blum gave up his apron. The journey of the Popular Front resulted in November 1938 with the repression of a wave of strikes in response to the decree-laws taken by the federal government of the novel Daladier, which known as into query social conquests. “This movement only lasted four years,” summarizes Serge Wolikow, historian specializing within the labor motion and professor on the University of Burgundy, to France Info. He thus believes that “during the vote for full powers on July 10, 1940, the Popular Front no longer existed as such.”

That day, the National Assembly voted with 569 votes for and 80 in opposition to a constitutional legislation giving “all power to the Government of the Republic” then led by Philippe Pétain. But the elected officers who authorised this vote “no longer represented the Popular Front” and voted “in their names”, underlines Serge Wolikow. And among the many 80 parliamentarians who voted in opposition to, “there was a majority of former members of the Popular Front”, specifies historian Jean Vigreux, specialist on this left-wing coalition.

The creator of the e-book “History of the Popular Front. 1936, the great escape” (ed. Tallandier) additionally remembers that many former members of the 1936 coalition had been lacking on July 10, 1940: “Some are mobilized at the front or were deprived of their mandate as deputy or senator in 1939 because they were communists [Édouard Daladier a en effet interdit le PCF après la signature du pacte germano-soviétique, NDLR]. Others are on a boat leaving France.” To assert that the Popular Front gave full powers to Philippe Pétain is subsequently not traditionally correct, insists Serge Wolikow, who believes that the intention of this allegation, typically made by the far proper, is “to damage the memory of the Popular Front of the 1930s”.

Would Léon Blum flip in his grave?

Since the announcement of the creation of the New Popular Front, the determine of Léon Blum has reappeared on the scene. On the left, this nice identify of socialism is invoked to recall the good days of this coalition. But on the facet of Jewish establishments, some denounce the brand new gathering of the left, seeing it as a “shame” and an “infamous agreement” with La France insoumise (LFI), which they accuse of anti-Semitism due to its controversial positions. after the Hamas assaults on October 7 in Israel.

Léon Blum got here from a Jewish household of Alsatian origin and was focused by anti-Semitic assaults from the beginning of his profession. During his inauguration in 1936, the deputy Xavier Vallat, who would later cope with Jewish questions in Vichy, declared that “France, an old Gallo-Roman country, was going to be governed, for the first time, by a Jew “. Léon Blum's brother, René, was additionally murdered at Auschwitz in September 1942 as a result of he was Jewish.

The Licra [Ligue contre le racisme et l’antisémitisme] for his half deplored a Socialist Party “forgetful of its own history, its political culture and its humanist struggles”. “This deserved a snub to History, to the 'Popular Front', the real one, and to its leader, the 'Jew Blum',” she added. President Emmanuel Macron additionally declared that the chief of the Popular Front should “roll over in his grave” occupied with this “electoral alliance which will make it possible to give 300 constituencies to LFI, and therefore to people who have very clearly assumed responsibility for do not condemn anti-Semitism: that's not what the Popular Front is, it has meaning in our history, it has a role, it has dignity.”

Léon Blum's great-grandson, Antoine Malamoud, nevertheless, responded to those criticisms by publishing an article on the Médiapart web site. He recalled that in 1936, divisions had been already sturdy throughout the Popular Front between communists, socialists and radicals, however that for his great-grandfather, it was above all a unity of motion “against fascist threats. For Antoine Malamoud, the New Popular Front must put “put apart controversies and private assaults even when there are variations on substantive points”. He indeed underlines that the “reckless or hazardous declarations” of LFI must be criticized and condemned, but according to him, “it is at the heart of the thinking of the extreme right that anti-Semitism is structurally present. It is at the heart of identity ideology.”