DAI chief Köllhofer on transatlantic relations | EUROtoday

Am Tag danach ist der Saal schon halb gefegt, aber in einer Ecke liegen noch blau-rote (oder eher rot-blaue?) Girlanden. Ein Tisch ist voller abgelegter Amerika-Fähnchen, und daneben steht eine kleine Wahlurne mit der Aufschrift „#begeisterdich“, an der am Vorabend auch die Besucher abstimmen sollten zwischen Harris und Trump. Bei der „Election Night“ am Deutsch-Amerikanischen In­stitut in Heidelberg mit Podiumsdiskussionen, Livemusik und „Pub Quiz“ waren die Stimmen schon nachts ausgezählt, als von der realen Wahl in den Vereinigten Staaten die ersten Ergebnisse von der Ostküste gemeldet wurden.

Jetzt, im leeren Raum, läuft auf einem Laptop am Technikertisch immer noch die CNN-Liveübertragung, die hier bis in die frühen Morgenstunden auf eine Leinwand gebeamt und von vielen gespannt verfolgt wurde. Wir nehmen den Fahrstuhl nach oben, der stark nach Hotdogs riecht. In seinem Büro sitzt Jakob Köllhofer, der seit 1986 das DAI Heidelberg leitet. Auch er war fast die ganze Nacht wach. In den Regalen stehen lauter Amerika-Bücher, viele von Menschen, die hier im Laufe der Jahre aufgetreten sind. An einer Wand hängt ein auf Büttenpapier gedrucktes Gedicht mit dem Titel „Coyote“.

Da müsste ich rechnen, aber ich bin seit 1977 da, seit 1986 in der Leitung, und schon immer gab es Veranstaltungen zur Wahl. Ich war bei allen dabei.

Welche war die richtungsweisendste Wahl für Sie?

Bush gegen Gore im Jahr 2000. Dramatisch, wir saßen bis acht Uhr morgens, und wie man weiß, war es da noch lange nicht klar.

How did the visitor vote between Harris and Trump turn out?

Almost 92 percent voted for Harris.

Americans voted quite differently. During the discussion I moderated here yesterday, it was rumored that you also had a bad feeling at night in 2016?

Yes. When I think about that, I also clearly remember Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump’s last campaign appearances back then. He seemed to me to be much closer to the people, especially the workers, whom he addressed. Even then, people were wondering whether the Democratic Party was too out of touch. Kamala Harris has not reached many people as hoped. She lost among blacks, among Latinos, among women. But Trump’s victory also gives me a certain hope: whoever wins so big can also be more generous? Trump may also want to go down in history.

At the events in your house, especially those relating to the election, you have always made an effort to allow representatives from the entire political spectrum to have their say.

Yes, it’s all about demonstrating critical discourse, including for students. Yesterday several school classes came, even one from Karlsruhe. Some students were there all night and were given the next day off.

You have invited numerous “public intellectuals” through the years. Today we hear repeatedly that the time of those intellectuals is over. Do you share the impression?

Very. The search for many who deserve consideration and attain very completely different social teams, maybe who can shift beliefs, is changing into more and more troublesome.

Which visitors do you may have particular reminiscences of?

In the early days, for instance, to Richard Sennett. Or to the well-known political scientist Nelson Polsby. With folks like that, I feel it was doable to sensitize whole courses to what’s going on in America, additionally in collaboration with the native political science seminar. And throughout the 2016 election, Noam Chomsky was right here in Heidelberg for ten days. We shared the evaluation that Trump had dangerous prospects, partly due to his gaffes, however Chomsky’s spouse mentioned that Trump was seen as venial sins, together with by feminine voters. She merely mentioned: “We know how men talk.” And she was proper.

A cultural institute with “western ties” was per se a thorn within the facet of some folks, or nonetheless is. How did you attempt to counteract such criticism?

I’ll have dared to do one thing daring as soon as by inviting Rudi Dutschke right here proper at the start. He was stunned at first, however he got here. That helped rather a lot by way of your query. And we quickly lined a broad spectrum, understanding America as a worldwide energy and Germany as European. This led to focal factors, for instance, on the Polish Solidarity motion or the Middle East.

As a journalist from Politico not too long ago wrote, America now not has any buddies in Germany. What do you consider it?

Americans additionally typically inform me that whereas Germany is a product of reeducation, America now wants it itself.

This 12 months additionally marks the top of your time on the DAI. What does it imply to you that Trump is transferring into the White House once more proper now? This may additionally gasoline better anti-Americanism amongst us.

I feel America bashing is a type of inertia that does not assist.

After the election, the massive questions of American overseas coverage are actually at stake. But that is linked to considerations concerning the transatlantic relationship in cultural relations, particularly with regard to the German American Institutes and their community.

However, transatlantic relations have already modified considerably earlier than then. During his final go to to Germany, Bill Clinton mentioned “Mission accomplished” and spoke of the necessity for a “new tradition.” And right here on the DAI we have now been discussing the shift of American pursuits to the Pacific area for many years. So: Trump is only a new wake-up name. We have to face on our personal two ft. I truly see us as effectively ready.