As a politician, Rep. Mike Bost (R-Ill.) — a longtime ally to President Donald Trump who was concerned in efforts difficult Joe Biden’s 2020 presidential victory — has the proper to problem guidelines governing how Illinois counts votes in its election, the Supreme Court dominated Wednesday.
The 7-2 ruling was written by Chief Justice John Roberts. Justice Kentanji Brown Jackson wrote the dissent with Justice Sonia Sotomayor becoming a member of her.
“Rules that undermine the integrity of the electoral process also undermine the winner’s political legitimacy. The counting of unlawful votes — or discarding of lawful ones — erodes public confidence in election results and the elected representative. ‘[R]eputational harms’ are classic Article III injuries,” Roberts wrote Wednesday.
As HuffPost reported in October, Bost sued the Illinois State Board of Elections in 2022 claiming that mail-in ballots counted after an election needs to be thought of unlawful as a result of they “dilute” the election outcomes, typically talking.
Bost additionally argued that if his marketing campaign needed to depend mail-in ballots after Election Day in Illinois, it might price him more money and pressure him to divert restricted marketing campaign sources.
Illinois election officers had argued final yr that the counting of mail-in ballots for a set time frame after an election — most states have guidelines for mail-in ballots that hinge on postmarked deadlines and extra — was really an growth of this so-called “democratic stability.” It didn’t injure candidates or voters, they claimed, and if it did, then a candidate would wish to indicate that hurt clearly.
But for Bost — and voting rights organizations, just like the League of Women Voters, which filed a short arguing in assist of the Republican candidate’s claims — even attempting to indicate that hurt was injurious.
But not in keeping with Chief Justice Roberts.
“Under Article III of the Constitution, plaintiffs must have a ‘personal stake’ in a case to have standing to sue. They must, in other words, be able to answer a basic question: ‘What’s it to you?’ Congressman Bost has an obvious answer: He is a candidate for office. And a candidate has a personal stake in the rules that govern the counting of votes in his election,” Roberts wrote.
He continued: “Candidates do not need to show a substantial risk that a rule will cause them to lose the election or prevent them from achieving a legally significant vote threshold in order to have standing. Requiring such a showing could channel many election disputes to shortly before election day or after. Only then will many candidates be able to predict with any certainty that a rule will be outcome determinative. Yet the Court has repeatedly emphasized that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election. Such late-breaking, court-ordered rule changes can result in voter confusion and undermine confidence in the integrity of electoral processes. The democratic consequences can be worse if courts intervene only after votes have been counted. Counting first and ruling upon legality afterwards is not a recipe for producing election results that have the public acceptance democratic stability requires.”
Making a candidate clarify a “substantial risk of harm” would depart nobody “any surer footing,” he added.
“Such an approach would force judges to assess whether an election rule is likely to disadvantage a particular candidate — determinations judges are no better qualified to make than assessing a candidate’s likelihood of winning or losing. Candidates would also have to plead and prove that voters who take advantage of the challenged rule will favor their rivals, which may require divulging information about political vulnerabilities,” he wrote.
In dissent, Justices Jackson and Sotomayor countered that principle and likewise famous that Bost had not confirmed any concrete damage. In truth, Bost gained his marketing campaign.
“Under our standing precedents, this is an easy case. Article III requires plaintiffs to assert and establish an ‘injury in fact’ — i.e., the ‘invasion of a legally protected interest’ that is both ‘concrete and particularized’ and ‘actual or imminent.’ Congressman Bost has failed to allege that the election-related law he seeks to challenge has caused him to suffer any injury that satisfies those requirements,” Jackson wrote.
Suing on the idea of merely being a candidate who may be injured was the bulk “subtly shift[ing] from our longstanding actual-injury rule to a presumption that certain kinds of plaintiffs are sufficiently aggrieved to satisfy Article III standing, regardless of whether they will experience any particularized harm,” she added.
The majority “all but ignores” this requirement and “the democracy-preserving function that it serves,” the dissent continued.
Jackson additionally lamented that almost all failed to clarify in its ruling Wednesday precisely why a candidate has extra of an curiosity in a good electoral course of than the very individuals who would vote for them.
“A public office is a public trust, and an election for that office is the ultimate expression of the will of the people, not a mere competition to be won or lost. In the Court’s telling, though, elections are a glorified national pastime — the competitors’ success is the main objective, and voters are mere bystanders who simply ‘lend their support.’ This depiction drastically devalues the role elections play in a democratic society,” Jackson wrote.
With the bulk’s choice Wednesday, a tidal wave of election-related litigation might be forthcoming. Jackson said this pointedly in her dissent, saying it might “open the floodgates” to this kind of “troubling” litigation.
Roberts, nevertheless, didn’t see it that method and paid no heed to a distant probability of it being an issue sooner or later.
Tucked away in a footnote of the ruling, Roberts chided that “it is neither clear why candidates would waste their resources” on “trivial” challenges.
“In any event, we address today only candidates’ standing to challenge rules that, like Illinois’s, govern the counting of votes in their elections,” the footnote concluded.
Election-related litigation, particularly round challenges to guidelines for an election, has steadily ratcheted up lately. In 2024, a gaggle referred to as Issue One, a nonpartisan political reform suppose tank, discovered that billionaires particularly have been bankrolling authorized challenges to election guidelines by the a whole lot, and most had ties again to Trump.
In a joint assertion Wednesday, the League of Women Voters and ACLU — who additionally supported Bost’s declare — stated the court docket reached the “right result here.”
“Congressman Bost specifically alleged he was directly and concretely harmed by the Illinois law at issue, which is why he has standing to sue. Like voters and voter services organizations harmed by state laws that unlawfully restrict their rights, anyone directly harmed by election laws should have their day in court,” they stated.
But, the organizations added, they felt “the majority’s reasoning missed an opportunity.to confirm those broader principles.”
“And unfortunately that raises the possibility that sore-loser candidates could try to abuse the litigation process to undermine and question election results. But the opinion does not touch on how such lawsuits would play out. As always, the ACLU and the League of Women Voters will stand up for the rights of voters to cast their ballots and have their votes count,” the teams stated.
https://www.huffpost.com/entry/trump-ally-can-challenge-rules-for-mail-in-ballot_n_6967b2f8e4b0da4905d30483